The Multiplicity of Characters Problem

When Last of the First was released a week ago, I was pleased and elated. Only once before have I written four books with the same main character. [For those who don’t know or recall, I wrote five books in The Imager Portfolio about Quaeryt.] It’s work, if rewarding work, to spend all that time with one character, particularly in fitting that character into an existing history while making it interesting.

Then I began to get comments, and they were good comments, for the most part [no matter how hard authors work, there’s always something that falls short for some readers, usually, thankfully, a small percentage].

But I noticed something about many of those comments. Some readers wanted more about early Cyad and Cyador. Several asked for a book set in the Rational Stars. Another wanted more background on the book of poetry mentioned through several books. Another group wanted a book about Saryalth. Another wanted an entire novel about Kiedral, and another wanted a novel about Alyiakal after he becomes emperor.

Then I realized, even more than I had previously, that I’ve created enough intriguing characters that there’s no possible way that I can tell all the stories arising out of Alyiakal’s books, let alone do justice to the possible stories of other intriguing non-protagonists in other Recluce books.

All I can say is that I’ll continue to do the best that I can, for as long as I can, but remember, I’m not exactly a spring chicken, as the saying goes.

B&N Book Algorithm

Over the past several days, I’ve received a few inquiries as to why some big box stores weren’t stocking Last of the First. I asked my editor whether she could shed any light on the matter. Her response dealt strictly with Barnes & Noble.

Elliot Investment Management bought first the British bookstore chain Waterstones and then later bought Barnes & Noble in 2019 at a time when B&N was suffering severe financial mismanagement. Both chains are now effectively run by James Daunt, who imposed new management practices on B&N in an effort to reduce the cash drain. While those efforts have apparently been successful, certain aspects have adversely affected authors who are not mega-best-sellers.

As it was explained to me, if an author’s previous book shows no sales at a store, then the next book is not ordered for that store, based on previous low demand. But, of course, if the previous book wasn’t ordered, how could there be sales?

One way around this is for readers to order or pre-order that book from that store. Merely asking the store to order it won’t suffice; there have to be physical sales.

Unfortunately, in this world where Amazon tends to dominate book sales, many readers who don’t see a book they want at their local B&N are more likely to order it from Amazon and get it at a lower price. But the only way to change a B&N store’s order pattern for a given author is to physically order his or her books from that store.

While some local managers can order books beyond those selected by the B&N algorithm, from what little I’ve seen local ordering initiative is often not done nearly so much as it was when I was actively touring. But then, the entire publishing industry has been transformed, especially over the last fifteen years.

The Texas “Christian” Literature Curriculum

Last Friday, the Texas State Board of Education approved the required reading of Biblical stories and Bible verses as part of the state’s K-12 English and literature curriculum. While the Biblical “literature” requirements do not take effect until 2030, part of the new requirement is that any literature selection on the required list must be “read in its entirety.”

This follows last year’s requirement for all classrooms to display the Ten Commandments, a law recently upheld by the U.S. Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.

While the U.S. Constitution states, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,” it’s pretty clear that the Texas State Board of Education has either not read the Constitution or believes that states can disregard its provisions.

According to the Pew Research Center, 67% of Texans identify as Christians; 6% identify as believers in other non-Christian faiths; and 26% are religiously unaffiliated, which means that more than a third of Texas students will be required to read religious tracts contrary to their beliefs.

Maybe I’m a bit old-fashioned, but I don’t believe that freedom of religion includes using the government, either federal, state, or local, to require students to read religious texts of a specific faith “in their entirety.”

Those Texas “Christians” (and others) got rather violently opposed to even the thought of students studying other faiths, but they’re more than willing to force their beliefs on others?

But then, the “true believers” have always been willing to force their beliefs on others, or at the least, to look the other way when the zealots did the forcing.

The Unacknowledged “Race”

The legal process in the United States has always been slow, in part because it involves checks and balances at every level. Today, as I’ve previously noted, it’s slower than ever.

In an effort to bend all branches of government to the President’s will, the current administration has launched an all-out attack on policies, rules, laws, and even the Constitution itself, as well as on longstanding judicial case law and precedents.

These Executive branch actions, whether legal or not, can be ordered almost instantly. One of the latest is Trump’s withholding various sources of federal funding from states or cities refusing to follow Trump’s demands involving immigration, many of which have been rejected by federal courts as being unlawful.

While news sources have often failed to point out is that, in the majority of lawsuits, the Trump administration has either lost the initial suits or had the Administration’s powers curbed to a degree, but because the Administration appeals everything to the Supreme Court, the process of employing the courts to force the President to comply with the Constitution is long, time-consuming, and expensive.

In the meantime, the Trump Administration continues adding “initiatives” of dubious legality to hamper or punish cities, states, organizations, and individuals who oppose Trump’s power grabs.

The result is a sort of “race,” where the Trump Administration keeps trying to cut federal programs and services legislated, authorized, and funded by Congress, as well as engaging in hiring and firing practices clearly legally questionable, faster than the courts can handle the lawsuits asserting the illegality of previous Executive branch actions.

Unfortunately, this particular race not only overloads the judicial system, but weakens the checks and balances instituted by the framers of the Constitution, something clearly understood by those manipulating the spoiled narcissistic superannuated toddler who calls himself the most powerful man on the planet.

Blame Game

Although Donald Trump is often correct in pointing out problems facing the nation, all too many of his “solutions” make the problem even worse. Part of the reason for this is that Trump has several operating patterns that can’t help but make matters worse, which is why many of his solutions may come to haunt him.

His first generally unhelpful pattern is to look for an apparently simple solution to a problem and immediately attempt to implement that solution, without looking carefully at the situation, especially for longstanding problems, such as the foreign trade balance, immigration, excessive federal spending, education, and, of course, Iran.

The second pattern that magnifies the first is to find a person or people to blame when matters don’t go the way he thinks they should. It doesn’t matter whether the people blamed have any real connection to the problem, just that they’re somewhere near the problem… or that they’re someone Trump dislikes.

The reflecting pool mess is a good illustration. Trump identifies a real problem, that the reflecting pool has become unsightly and needs cleaning up. But does Trump bring in anyone who knows anything about the problems of fixing a stone structure unwisely built on what had originally been swampy ground? Hardly. He promises a fix, quotes an unrealistically low price, then contracts for repairs with an open budget and a 20% profit margin (i.e., cost plus budget) and gives the contract to a company with no track record in dealing with such problem facilities on a large scale, and which attempted to kill off the algae with hydrogen peroxide, not the best idea since hydrogen peroxide can, in certain conditions, act as a paint remover. Then, when matters go poorly, and sections of the coating come loose, Trump blames apparently non-existent vandals, berates the press for pointing out the lack of evidence for vandalism, and then says that it’s really the fault of previous administrations.

The questions facing Trump – and the US – are, first, if and when Trump will run out of plausible, but overly simplistic solutions and, second, when or if the American people will ever tire of the blame game and decide they want real and workable solutions.